



7 



Price, One Copy, 8 cents ; Two Copies, 15 cents. 

THE LETTERS ^- 

OF 

PRESIDENT LINCOLN 



(iSufstioiK of llatioiial |]oIitiT, 



I. To Gek^eeal McClellax. 
II. To Ho s ACE Greeley. 

III. To Feenaxdo Wood, 

IV. To THE Albany Committee. 
V. To GoYER^fOE Seymour. 

YL To THE Speixgfield Meetixg. 



BOSTOIs" : 
BENJ. B. RUSSELL, 

515 WASHINGTON STREET. 

1863. 

Entered, according to Act of Conaresa, ia the year 1S63, by 71. H. Lloyd & Co., in the 
Clerk's Office of tlie District Court of the United States for the Souihern District of 
New York. 



5i. tl. i:^LO^i^I> &z oo/^ 

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PREFACE. 



President Lincoln, during his administration, has found 
himself placed, more than once, in a position where he had 
no precedents to guide him, either in the administrations of 
his predecessors or in the policy pursued by the Rulers of 
Free Peoples elsewhere. In these emergencies he has taken 
counsel of his own vigorous common sense, and his strict 
integrity and honesty of purpose, and done what he believed 
to be right and just. 

In some instances, the course he has deemed proper to 
pursue has called forth severe animadversions, either from 
political friends or opponents. Under these circumstances, 
most Presidents w^ould have avoided any public explanation 
of their views and course ; but Mr. Lincoln, strong in con- 
scious integrity, and unversed in the arts of diplomacy, has 
preferred — and w^e think it will generally be acknowledged, 
wisely preferred — to avail himself of the opportunity offered 
by circumstances, to explain and defend his measures by a 
public letter. We have believed that very many w^ould be 
glad to have these letters — w^hich, though i^eculiar in style, 
are marked by very high ability and statesmanship — in a 
collected form, and have therefore prepared them for pub- 
lication. 

H. H. LLOYD & CO. 

New Yokk, September, 1863. 



THE 

LETTERS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN. 



I.— THE LETTERS TO GEN. McCL:eLLA:N". 

[Whi'E Gen. McCIellan was in command of the Army of the Potomac, President 
Lincoln wrote him two letters, bes'des sending him numerous telegraph'C dispatches. 
These letters were published in the report of the Committee on the Conduct of the War. 
Though neither of them on matters of national policy, both explain his views in regard 
to the management of ihe war, and the necessity of prompt and efficient action. The 
first was in reply to a letter of Gen. McCIellan, objectino: to his Special War Order No, 
1, of January 31, 1862, which directed a speedy movement on the railroad soutuwest of 
Manassas Junction.] 

To this the President made the following reply : 

Executive Mansion, Washington, Feb. 3, 1862. 

My dear Sir — You and I have distinct and different plans for a 
movement of the Army of the Potomac — yours to be down the Chesa- 
peake, up the Rappahannock to Urbanna, and across land to the ter- 
minus of the railroad on York River; mine to move directly to a 
point on the railroad southwest of Manassas. If you will give me 
satisfactory answers to the following questions I shall gladly yield my 
plan to yours : 

1. Does not your plan involve a greatly larger expenditure of time 
and money than mine? 

2. Wherein is a victory more certain by your plain than mine? 

3. Wherein is a victory more valuable by your plan than mine? 

4. In fact, would it not be less valuable in this, that it would break 
no great line of the enemy's communication, while mine would? 

5. In case of disaster, would not a safe retreat be more difficult by 
your plan than by mine ? Yours, truly, A. LIXCOLX. 

Major-Gen. McClellax. 



[The second was addressed to Gen. McCIellan about four weeks after the battle of 
Antietam, to encourage him to a more prompt movement upon the enemy, and to un- 
dertake the capture of Eichmond, It was as follows :] 

Executive Mansion, Washington, Oct. 13, 1862. 
My dear Sir — You remember my speaking to you of what I called 
your overcautiousness. Are you not overcautious when you assume 
that you can not do what the enemy is constantly doing? Should 
you not claim to be at least his equal in prowess, and act upon tlie 
claim ? 



b THE LETTERS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN. - 

As I understanil, you telegraphed Gen. Ealleck that you can not 
subsist your army at Winchester, unless the railroad from Harper's 
Ferry to that point be put in working order. But the enemy does 
now subsist his army at Winchester at a distance nearly twice as great 
from railroad transportation as you would have to do without the 
railroad last named. He now wagons from Culpepper Court House, 
which is just about twice as far as you would have to do from Harper's 
Ferry. He is certainly not more than half as well provided with 
wagons as you are. I certainly should be pleased for you to have the 
advantage of the railroad from Harper's Ferry to Winchester; but it 
wastes all the remainder of autumn to give it to you, and in fact ig- 
nores the question of time^ which can not and must not be ignored. 

Again, one of the standard maxims of war, as you know, is,, "to 
operate upon the enemy's communications as much as possible, without 
exposing your own." You seem to act as if this applies against you, 
but can not apply in your favor. Change positions with the enemy, 
and think you not he would break your communication with Piich- 
mond within the next twenty-four hours? You dread his going into 
Pennsylvania. But if he does so in full force, he gives up his com- 
munications to you absolutely, and you have nothing to do but to 
follow and ruin him ; if he does so with less than full force, fall upon 
and beat what is left behind all the easier. 

Exclusive of the water line, you are now nearer Richmond than the 
enemy is by the route that you can and he must take. Why can you 
not reach there before him, unless you admit that he is more than your 
equal on a march ? His route is the arc of a circle, while yours is the 
chord. The roads are as good on yours as on his. 

You know I desired, but did not order, you to cross the Potomac 
below instead of above the Shenandoah and Blue Ridge. My idea 
was, that this would at once menace the enemy's communications, 
which I would seize if he would permit. If he should move nortli- 
Avard, I would follow him closely, holding his communications. If he 
sliould prevent our seizing liis communications, and move toward 
Richmond, I would press closely to him, fight him if a favorable op- 
portunity should present, and at least try to beat him to Richmond on 
the inside track. I say, "try;" if we never try, we shall never suc- 
ceed. If he make a stand at Winchester, moving neither north nor 
south, I would fight him there, on the idea that if we can not beat 
him when he bears the wastage of coming to us, we never can when 
we bear the wastage of going to him. This proposition is a simple 
truth, and is too important to be lost sight of for a moment. In com- 
ing to us, he tenders us an advantage which we should not waive. 
We should not so operate as to merely drive him away. As we must 
beat him somewhere, or fail finally, we can do it, if at all, easier near 
to us than far away. If we can not beat the enemy where he now is, 



THE LETTEK3 OF PKESIDEXT LINCOLN. 7 

we never can, he again being within the intrencliments of Richmond. 
Eecurring to the idea of going to Richmond on the inside track, the 
facihty of supplying from the side, away from the enemy, is remark- 
able, as it were by the different spokes of a wheel, extending from the 
hub toward the rim, and this, whether you move directly by the chord 
or on the inside arc, hugging the Blue Ridge more closely. The chord- 
line, as you see, carries you by Aldie, Haymarket, and Fredericksburg, 
and you see how turnpikes, railroads, and finally the Potomac, by 
Acquia Creek, meet you at all points from Washington. The same, 
only the lines lengthened a little, if you press closer to the Blue Ridge 
part of the way. The gaps through the Blue Ridge I understand to 
be about the following distances from Harper's Ferry, to wit: Vestal's, 
five miles; Gregory's, thirteen ; Snicker's, eighteen ; Ashby's, twenty- 
eight; Manassas, thirty-eight; Chester, forty-five; and Thornton's, 
fifty-three. I should think it preferable to take the route nearest the 
enemy, disabling him to make an important move without your knowl- 
edge, and compelling him to keep his forces together for dread of you. 
The gaps w^ould enable you to attack if you should wMsh. For a great 
part of the way you would be practically between the enemy and 
both Washington and Richmond, entibling us to spare you the greatest 
number of troops from here. When, at length, running to Richmond 
ahead of him enables him to move this way ; if he does so, turn and 
attack him in the rear. But I think he should be engaged long before 
such point is reached. It is all easy if our troops march as well as 
the enemy, and it is unmanly to say they can not do it. This letter 
is in no sense an order. Yours, truly, A. LIN"COLl!f. 

Major-Gen. MoClellan. 



II.— THE LETTER TO HORACE GREELEY. 

[In August, 1862, Hon. Horace Greeley, Editor of the New York Tribune, believing 
that whal he deemed llie hesitating policy cf the President, in regard to proclaiming tliC 
eir.ancipation of the slaves in the Eebel Stales, wns doing injury to the Union cause, 
Addressed a letter to him ovit his own signature in the coluoins of ihe Tiihiiiie, remon- 
etraiing against his delay, and avowing his belief that the decluraiion of the emancipa- 
tion policy would greatly encourage and strengthen the Union cause, and deal a stag- 
gering if not a fatal blow to the Rebellion. Neither Mr. Greeley nor any one else proba- 
bly expected a reply in form from the President ; but within a few days Mr. Lincoln 
Caused ihe following answer to Mr. Greeley's letter to be published :] 

Executive Mansion-, "WAsnixcTox, Aug. 22, 1SG2. 

IIox. IToKACE Greeley : 

Dear Sir — I have just read yours of the 19th instant, addressed to 
myself through the New York Tribune. — 

If there be in it any statements or assumptions of fact which I may 
know to be erroneous, I do not now and here controvert them. 



8 THE LETTEKS OF PKESIDEKT LINCOLN. 

If there be any inferences which I may beheve to be falsely drawn, 
I do not now and here argue against them. 

If there be perceptible in it an impatient and dictatorial tone, I waive 
it in deference to an old friend whose heart I have always supposed to 
be right. 

As to the policy I " seem to be pursuing," as you say, I have not 
meant to leave any one in doubt. I would save the Union. I would 
save it in the shortest way under the Constitution. 

The sooner the national authority can be restored the nearer the 
Union will be — the Union as it was. 

If there be those who would not save the Union unless they could 
at the same time save slavery, I do not agree with them. 

If there be those who would not save the Union unless they could 
at the same time destroy slavery, I do not agree with them. 

My paramount object is to save the Union, and not either to save or 
destroy slavery. 

If I could save the Union without freeing any slave, I would do it — 
if I could save it by freeing all the slaves, I would do it — and if I could 
do it by freeing some and leaving others alone, I would also do that. 

What I do about slavery and the*colored race, I do because I believe 
it helps to save this Union, and what I forbear, I forbear because I do 
not believe it would help to save the Union. 

I shall do less whenever I shall believe what I am doing hurts the 
cause, and I shall do more whenever I believe doing more will help 
the cause. 

I shall try to correct errors when shown to be errors, and I shall 
adopt new views so fast as they shall appear to be true views. 

I have here stated my purpose according to my views of official 
duty, and I intend no modification of my oft-expressed personal wish 
that all men everywhere could be free. Yours, A. LINCOLN". 



THE LETTEKS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN. \f 

III.— THE LETTER TO FERNANDO WOOD. 

[Hon. Fernando Wood, late Mayor of New York, and now a Member of Congress 
from one of the citj' districts, has, as is well known, avowed his sympathy for and sub- 
stantial cordiality toward the leaders of the Eebellion. In November, 1S62, he professed 
to have received from some person or persons, whom he declared trustworthy, advices 
that the Southern States would send representatives to the next Congress, provided that 
a full and general amnesty should allow them to do so. The statement was in direct 
contradiction to the open, public, oft-repeated declarations of the leaders of the Rebel- 
lion ; but on the strength of it Mr. Wood addressed a letter to the President on the 8th 
of December, 1862, asking in substance that an amnesty, or at least an armistice, might 
be declared, und he be empowered to hold correspondence with the rebel leaders, with 
a view to arrange terms of peace. The President made the following reply, in the last 
paragraph of which he asks that it may be regarded as confidential. In September^ 
1863, Mr. Wood published it, together with copies of his own.] 

PRESIDENT LIXCOLN TO MR. WOOD. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, Dec. 12, 1862. 

Hon. Fernando Wood : 

My dear Sir — Your letter of the 8th, with tlie accompanying note 
of same date, was received yesterday. 

The most important paragraph in the letter, as I consider, is in these 
words : " On the 25th November last I was advised by an authority 
which I deemed likely to be well informed as well as reliable and 
truthful, that the Southern States would send representatives to the 
next Congress, provided that a full and general amnesty should permit 
them to do so. No guarantee or terms were asked for other than the 
amnesty referred to." 

I strongly suspect your information will prove to be groundless ; 
nevertheless, I thank you for communicating it to me. Understanding 
the phrase in the paragraph above quoted — ''the Southei-n States 
would send representatives to the next Congress" — to be substantially 
the same as that " the people of the Southern States would cease 
resistance, and would reinaugurate, submit to. and maintain the 
national authority within the limits of such States, under the Constitu- 
tion of the United States," I say that in such case the war would 
cease on the part of the United States ; and that if within a reasonable 
time "a full and general amnesty" were necessary to such end, it 
would not be withheld. 

I do not think it would be proper now to communicate this, formally 
or informalh', to the people of the Southern States. My belief is that 
they already know it ; and when they choose, if ever, they can com- 
municate with me unequivocally. Nor do I think it proper now to 
suspend military operations to try any experiment of negotiation. 

I should nevertheless receive, with great pleasure, the exact in- 
formation you now have, and also such other as you may in any waj 
obtiiin. Such information might be more valuable before the 1st of 
January than afterward. 



10 THE LETTERS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN. 

While tliere is nothing in this letter which I shall dread to see in 
history, it is, perhaps, better for the present that its existence should 
not become public. I therefore have to request that you will regard 
it as confidential. Your obedient servant, A. LINCOLN". 



IV.— THE LETTER TO THE ALBANY COMMITTEE. 

[A " Democratic iripeting" was held in Albany. N. T., on the 16th of May, 1863, over 
which Hon. Erastus Oornine, M. C. from the Albany district presided, having for its 
object the denunciation of the arrest of Vullandigham, and the demanding of his resto- 
ration to liberty. The resolutions passed by the meeting were forwarded by the pre- 
siding oflBicer to President Lincoln, and elicited the following reply :] 

Executive Ma.nsiok, Washington, June 13, 1863. 

Hoif. Erastus Corning and others : 

Gentlemen — Your letter of May 19, inclosing the resolutions of a 
public meeting held at Albany, N. Y., on the 16th of the same month, 
was received several days ago. 

The resolutions, as I understand them, are resolvable into two propo- 
sitions—first, the expression of a purpose to sustain the cause of the 
Union, to secure peace through victory, and to support the Adminis- 
tration in every constitutional and lawful measure to suppress the 
Rebellion ; and secondly, a declaration of censure upon the Adminis- 
tration for supposed unconstitutional action, such as the making of 
military arrests. And, from the two propositions, a third is deduced, 
which is that the gentlemen composing the meeting are resolved on 
doing their part to maintain our common government and C'ountry, 
despite the folly or wickedness, as they may conceive, of any Admin- 
isti-ation. This position is eminently patriotic, and as such I thank 
the meeting and congratulate the nation for it. My own purpose is 
the same, so that the meeting and myself have a common object, and 
can have no difterence, except in the choice of means or measures for 
efltecting that object. 

And here I ought to close this paper, and would close it, if there 
were no apprehension that more injurious consequences than any 
merely personal to myself might follow the censures systematically 
cast upon me for doing what, in my view of duty, I could not forbear. 
The resolutions promise to support me in every constitutional and 
lawful measure to suppress the Rebellion, and I have not knowingly 
employed, nor shall knowingly employ, any other. But the meeting, 
by their resolutions, assert ^nd argue that certain military arrests, and 
proceedings following them, for which I am ultimately responsible, 
are unconstitutional. I think they are not. The resolutions quote 
from the Constitution the definition of treason, and also the limiting 



THE LETTERS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN. 11 

safeguards and guarantees therein provided for the citizen on trials for 
treason, and on his being held to answer for capital or otherwise in- 
famous crimes, and, in criminal prosecutions, his right to a speedy and 
public trial bv an impartial jury. They proceed to resolve " that these 
safeguards of the riglits of the citizen against the pretensions of arbi- 
trary power were intended more especially for his protection in times 
of civil commotion," And, apparently to demonstrate tiie proposi- 
tion, the resolutions proceed: "They were secured substantially to 
the English people after years of protracted civil war, and were 
adopted into our Constitution at the close of the Revolution." Would 
not the demonstration have been better if it could have been truly said 
that these safeguards had been adopted and applied during the civil wars 
and during om- Revolution, instead of after the one and at the close of 
the other? I, too, am devotedly for them after cXVA war, and hefore civil 
war, and at all times, "except when, in cases of rebellion or invasion, 
the public safety may require" their suspension. The resolutions pro- 
ceed to tell^ us that these safeguards " have stood the test of seventy-six 
years of trial, under our republican system, under circumstances which 
show tliat, while they constitute the foundation of all free government, 
they are the elements of the enduring stability of the Republic." N"o one 
denies that they have so stood the test up to the beginning of the pres- 
ent Rebellion, if we except a certain occurrence at New Orleans ; nor 
does any one question that they will stand the same test much longer 
after the Rebellion closes. But these provisions of the Constitution 
have no application to the case we have in hand, because the arrests 
complained of were not made for treason— that is, not for the treason 
defined in the Constitution, and upon conviction of which the punish- 
ment is death— nor yet were they made to hold persons to answer for 
any capital or otherwise infamous crimes ; nor were the proceedings 
following, in any constitutional or legal sense, "criminal prosecu- 
tions." The arrests were made on totally different grounds, and the 
proceedings following accorded with the grounds of the arrests. Let 
us consider the real case with which we are dealing, and apply to it 
the parts of the Constitution plainly made for such cases. 

Prior to my installation here, it had been inculcated that any State 
had a lawful right to secede from the national Union, and 'that it 
would be expedient to exercise the right whenever the devotees of the 
doctrine should fail to elect a President to their own liking. I was 
elected contrary to their liking, and accordingly, so iav as it was le- 
gally possible, they had taken seven States out of the Union, had seized 
many of the United States forts, and had fired upon the United States 
flag, all before I was inaugurated, and, of course, before I had done 
any official act whatever. The Rebellion thus began, soon ran into 
the present Civil War, and, in certain respects, it began on very un- 
eoual termg between the parties. The in.?urgents had^been preparing 



12 THE LETTERS OF TKESIDENT LINCOLN. 

for it more than thirty years, while the Government had taken no 
steps to resist them. The former had carefully considered all the 
means which could be turned to their account. It undoubtedly was 
a well-pondered reliance with them that, in their own unrestricted 
efforts to destroy Union, Constitution, and law all together, the Gov- 
ernment would, in great degree, be restrained by the same Constitu- 
tion and law from arresting their progress. Their sympathizers per- 
vaded all departments of the Government and nearly all communities 
of the people. From this material, under cover of " liberty of speech," 
" liberty of the press," and "habeas corpus," they hoped to keep on 
foot among us a most efficient corps of spies, informers, suppliers, and 
aiders and abettors of their cause in a thousand ways. They knew 
that in times such as they were inaugurating, by the Constitution it- 
self, the " habeas corpus" might be suspended ; but they also knew 
they had friends who would make a question as to who was to sus- 
pend it; meanwhile, their spies and others might remain at large to 
lielp on their cause. Or if, as has liappened, the Executive should 
suspend the writ, without ruinous waste of time, instances of arrest- 
ing innocent persons might occur, as are always likely to occur in such 
cases; and then a clamor could be raised in regard to this which might 
be, at least, of some service to- the insurgent cause. It needed no very 
keen perception to discover this part of the enemy's programme so 
soon as, by open hostilities, their machinery was fairly put in motion 
Yet, thoroughly imbued with a reverence for the guaranteed rights 
of individuals, I was slow to adopt the strong measures which by de- 
grees I have been forced to regard as being within the exceptions of 
the Constitution, and as indispensable to the public safety. Nothing 
is better known to history than that courts of justice are utterly incom- 
petent to such cases. Civil courts are organized chiefly for trials of 
individuals, or, at most, a few individuals acting in concert, and this 
in quiet times, and on charges of crimes well defined in the law. 
Even in times of peace bands of horse-thieves and robbers frequently 
grow too numerous and powerful for the ordinary courts of justice. 
But what comparison, in numbers, have such bands ever borne to the 
insurgent sympathizers even in many of the loyal States? Again: a 
jury too frequently has at least one member more ready to hang the 
panel than to hang the traitor. And yet, again, he who dissuades one 
man from volunteering, or induces one soldier to desert, weakens the 
Union cause as much as he who kills a Union soldier in battle. Yet 
this dissuasion or inducement may be so conducted as to be no de- 
fined crime of which any civil court would take cognizance. 

Ours is a case of rebellion — so called by the resolution before me — 
in fact, a clear, flagrant, and gigantic case of rebellion ; and tl^e pro- 
vision of the Constitution tliat '• the privilege of the writ of habeas 
corpus shall not be suspended unless when, in cases of rebellion or ir^- 



THE LETTERS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN. 13 

vasion, the public safety may require it," is the provision which spe- 
cially applies to our present case. This provision plainly attests the 
understanding of those who made the Constitution, that ordinary 
courts of justice are inadequate to "cases of rebellion" — attests their 
purpose that, in such cases, men may be held in custody whom the 
courts, acting on ordinary rules, would discharge. Habeas corpus 
does not discharge men who are proved to be guilty of defined crime; 
and its suspension is allowed by the Constitution on purpose that men 
may be arrested and held who can not be proved to be guilty of de- 
fined crime, when, in cases of rebellion or invasion, the public safety 
may require it." This is precisely our present case — a case of rebel- 
lion, wherein the public safety does require the suspension. Indeed, 
arrests by process of courts, and arrests in cases of rebellion, do not 
proceed altogether upon the same basis. The former is directed at the 
small per-centage of ordinary and continuous perpetration of crime; 
while the latter is directed at sudden and extensive uprisings against 
the Government, v.'hich at most will succeed or fail in no great length 
of time. In the latter case arrests are made, not so nmch for what 
Las been done as for what probably would be done. The latter is 
more for the preventive and less for the vindictive than the former. 
In such cases the purposes of men are much more easily understood 
than in cases of ordinary crime. The man who stands by and says 
nothing when the peril of his Government is discussed, can not be 
misunderstood. If not hindered, he is sure to help the enemy ; much 
more, if he talks ambiguously — talks for his country with "buts," and 
'^ifs," and "ands." Of how little value the constitutional provisions 
I have quoted will be rendered, if arrests shall never be made until 
defined crimes shall have been committed, may be illustrated by a few 
notable examples. Gen. John C. Breckinridge, Gen. Eobert E. Lee, 
Gen. Joseph E. Johnston, Gen. John B. Magruder, Gen. William B. 
Preston, Gen. Simon B. Buckner, and Commodore Franklin Bu- 
chanan, now occuj)ying the very highest places in the Eebel war 
service, were all within tlie power of the Government since the Re- 
bellion began, and were nearly as well known to the traitors then as 
now. Unquestionably if we had seized and held them, the insurgent 
cause would be much weaker. But no one of them had then com- 
mitted any crime defined in the law. Every one of them, if arrested, 
would have been discharged on habeas cor2ms, were the writ allowed 
to o[)erate. In view of these and similar cases, I think the time not 
unlikely to ccmie when I shall be blamed for having made too few ar- 
rests rather than too many. 

By the third resolution, the meeting indicate their opinion that 
military arrests may be constitutional in localities where rebellion 
actually exists, but that such arrests are unconstitutional in localities 
where rebellion or insurrection does not actually exist. They insist 



14 THE LETTEES OF TEESIDENT LINCOLN. 

that such arrests shall not be made "outside of the lines of necessary 
military occupation and the scenes of insurrection." Inasmuch, how- 
ever, as the Constitution itself makes no such distinction, I am unable 
to believe that there is any such constitutional distinction. I concede 
that the class of arrests complained of can be constitutional only 
when, in cases of rebellion or invasion, the public safety may require 
them ; and I insist that in such cases they are constitutional wherever 
the public safety does require them ; as well in places to which they 
may prevent the Rebellion extending as in those where it may be al- 
ready prevailing; as well where they may restrain mischievous inter- 
ference with the raising and supplying of armies to suppress the 
Eebellion, as where the Rebellion may actually be; as well where 
they may restrain the enticing men out of the army, as where they 
would prevent mutiny in the army ; equally constitutional at all 
places where they will conduce to the public safety, as against the 
dangers of rebellion or invasion. Take the particular case mentioned 
by the meeting. It is asserted, in substance, that Mr. Vallandigham 
was, by a military commander, seized and tried " for no other reason 
than words addressed to a public meeting, in criticism of the course 
of the Administration, and in condemnation of the military orders of 
the general." Now, if there be no mistake about this ; if this asser- 
tion is the truth and the whole truth ; if there was no other reason 
for the arrest, then I concede that the arrest was wrong. But the 
arrest, as I understand, was made for a very different reason. Mr. 
Vallandigham avows his hostility to the war on the part of the Union ; 
and his arrest was made because he was laboring, with some effect, to 
prevent the raising of troops; to encourage desertions from the army; 
and to leave the Rebellion without an adequate military force to sup- 
press it. He was not arrested because he was damaging the political 
prospects of the Administration, or the personal interests of the com- 
manding general, but because he was damaging the army, upon the 
existence and vigor of which the life of the nation depends. He was 
warring upon the military, and this gave the military constitutional 
jurisdiction to lay hands upon him. If Mr. Vallandigham was not 
damaging the military power of the country, then his arrest was made 
on mistake of ftict, which I would be glad to correct on reasonably 
satisfactory evidence. 

I understand the meeting, whose resolutions I am considering, to be 
in favor of suppressing the Rebellion by military force — by armies. 
Long experience has shown that armies can not be maintained unless 
desertions shall be punished by the severe penalty of death. The 
case requires, and the law and the Constitution sanction, this punish- 
ment. Must I shoot a simple-minded soldier boy who deserts, while 
I must not touch a hair of a wily agitator who induces him to deseit? 
This is none the less iniurious Avhen eflected by getting a father, or 



THE LETTERS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN. 15 

brother, or friend, into a public meeting, and there working upon his 
feelings till he is persuaded to write the soldier boy that he is fighting 
in a bad cause, for a wicked Administration of a contemptible Gov- 
ernment, too weak to arrest and punisli him if he shall desert. I think 
tliat in such a case to silence the agitator and save the boy is not only 
constitutional, but withal a great mercy. 

If I be wrong on this question of constitutional power, my error 
lies in believing that certain proceedings are constitutional when, in 
cases of rebellion or invasion, the public safety requires them, which 
would not be constitutional when, in the absence of rebellion or inva- 
sion, the public safety does not require them ; in other words, that the 
Constitution is not, in its application, in all respects the same, in cases 
of rebellion or invasion involving the public safety, as it is in time of 
profound peace and public security. The Constitution itself makes 
the distinction ; and I can no more be persuaded that the Government 
can constitutionally take no strong measures in time of rebellion, be- 
cause it can be shown that the same could not be lawfully taken in 
time of peace, than I can be persuaded that a particular drug is not 
good medicine for a sick man,*because it can be shown not be good 
food for a well one. Nor am I able to appreciate the danger appre- 
hended by the meeting that the American people will, by means of 
military arrests during the Eebellion, lose the right of public discus- 
sion, the liberty of speech and the press, the law of evidence, trial by 
jury, and habeas corpus, throughout the indefinite peaceful future, 
which I trust lies before them, any more than I am able to believe 
that a man could contract so strong an appetite for emetics during 
temporary illness as to persist in feeding upon them during the re- 
mainder of his healthful life. 

In giving the resolutions that earnest consideration which yon re- 
quest of me, I can not overlook the fact that the meeting speak as 
"Democrats." Nor can I, with full respect for their known intelli- 
gence, and the fairly presumed deliberation with which they prepared 
their resolutions, be permitted to suppose that this occurred by acci- 
dent, or in any way other than that they preferred to designate them- 
selves '* Democrats" rather than "American citizens." In this time 
of national peril, I would have preferred to meet you upon a level one 
step higher than any party platform ; because I am sure that, from 
such more elevated position, we could do better battle for the country 
we all love than we possibly can from those lower ones where, from 
the force of habit, the prejudices of the past, and selfish hopes of the 
future, we are sure to expend much of our ingenuity and strength in 
finding fault with and aiming blows at each other. But, since you have 
denied me this, I will yet be thankful, for the country's sake, that not 
all Democrats have done so. lie on whose discretionary judgment Mr. 
Yallandigham was aiu'ested and tried is a Democrat, having no old 



16 THE LETTERS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN. 

party affinity with mc; and the judge wlio rejected the constitutional 
view expressed in these resolutions, by refusing to discharge Mr. Val- 
hnidighara on habeas corpus, is a Democrat of better days than these, 
having received his judicial mantle at the hands of President Jack?on. 
And still more, of all those Democrats who are nobly exposing their 
lives and shedding their blood on the battle field, I have learned that 
many approve the course taken with Mr. A^allandigham, while I have 
not heard of a single one condemning it. I can not assert that there 
are none such. And the name of President Jackson recalls an in- 
stance of pertinent history : After the battle of New Orleans, and 
while the fact that the treaty of peace had been concluded was well 
known in the city, but before official knowledge of it had arrived, 
General Jackson still maintained martial or military law. Now that 
it could be said the war was over, tlie clamor against martial law, 
which had existed from the first, grew more furious. Among other 
tilings, a Mr. Louiallier publisiied a denunciatory newspaper article. 
General Jackson arrested him. A lawyer by the name of Morel pro- 
cured the United States Judge Hall to issue a writ of habeas corpus to 
relieve Mr. Louiallier. General Jackson arrested both the lawyer and 
the judge. A Mr, Hollander ventured to say of some part of the 
matter that "it was a dirty trick." General Jackson arrested him. 
When the officer undertook to serve the writ of habeas corpus, General 
Jackson took it from him, and sent him away with a copy. Holding 
the judge in custody a few days, the General sent him beyond the limits 
of his encampment, and set him at liberty, with an order to remain 
till the ratification of peace should be regularly announced, or until 
the British should have left the Southern coast. A day or two more 
elapsed, the ratification of a treaty of peace was regularly announced, 
and the judge and others were fully liberated. , A few days more, and 
the judge called General Jackson into court and fined him $1,000 for 
having arrested him and the others named. The General paid tlie 
fine, and there the matter rested for nearly thirty years, when Con- 
gress refunded principal and interest. The late Senator Douglas, 
then in the House of Representatives, took a leading part in the de- 
bates, in which the constitutional question was much discussed. I am 
not prepared to say whom the journals would show to have voted for 
the measure. 

It may be remarked: First, that Ave had the same Constitution then 
as now ; secondly, that we then had a case of invasion, and now we 
have a case of rebellion ; and, thirdly, that the permanent right of 
the people to public discussion, the liberty of speech and of the press, 
the trial by jury, the law of evidence, and the habeas corpus, suffered 
no detriment whatever by that conduct of General Jackson, or its 
subsequent approval by the American Congress. 

And yet, let , me say that, in my own discretion, I do not know 



THE LETTERS OF TEEsIDENT LINCOLN. 17 

whether I would have ordered the arrest of Mr. Vallandigham. 
"While I can not shift the responsibility from myself, I hold that, as a 
general rule, the commander in the field is the better judge of the ne- 
cessity in any particular case. Of course, I must practice a general 
directory and revisory power in the matter. 

One of the resolutions expresses the opinion of the meeting that 
arbitrary arrests will have the effect to divide and distract those who 
should be united in suppressing the Rebellion, and I am specifically 
called on to discharge Mr. Yallandigham. I regard this as, at least, a 
fair appeal to me on the expediency of exercising a constitutional 
power which I think exists. In response to such appeal, I have to say, 
it gave me pain when I learned that Mr. Vallandigham had been 
arrested — that is, I was pained that there should have seemed to be a 
necessity for arresting him — and that it will afford me great pleasure 
to discharge him so soon as I can, by any means, believe the public 
safety will not suffer by it. I further say that, as the war progresses, 
it appears to me, opinion and action, which were in great confusion at 
first, take shape and fall into more regular channels, so that the ne- 
cessity for strong dealing with them gradually decreases. I have 
every reason to desire that it should cease altogether ; and far from 
the least is my regard for the opinions and wishes of those who, like 
the meeting at Albany, declare their purpose to sustain the Govern- 
ment in every constitutional and lawful measures to suppress the Re- 
bellion. Still, I must continue to do so much as may seem to be 
required by the public safety. A. LINCOLN. 



v.— THE LETTER TO GOVERNOR SEYMOUR. 

[After the riot in New York city, July 13-17, 1863, which was alleged to have been 
caused by the attempt to execute the Conscription Law, Governor Seymour addressed a 
long letter to the President, urging the suspension of the draft, until he could ascertain 
what credit should be allowed to New York city and its vicinity for previous quotas 
furnished, and until the question of the constitutionality of the Conscription Act could 
be tested before the Supreme Court of the United States. As the Supreme Court could 
not hold a session till December or January, this was equivalent to asking that the 
draft should be entirely abandoned. To this letter the President made the following 
reply :] 

Executive Mansion, Washington, Aug. 7, 1863. 

Hia Excellency, Hoeatio Seymour, Goyeenok of New Yoek, 
Albany, N. Y. : 

Your communication of the 3d instant has been received and atten- 
tively considered. I can not consent to suspend the draft in New 
York, as you request, because, among other reasons, time is too import- 
ant. By the figures you send, which I presume are correct, the twelve 
districts represented fall in two classes of eight and four respectively. 

The disparity of the quotas for the draft in these two classes is cer- 



18 THE LETTERS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN. 

tainly very striking, being the difference between an average of 2,200 
in one class, and 4,864 in the other. Assuming that the districts are 
equal, one to another, in entire population, as required by the plan on 
which they were made, this disparity is such as to require attention. 
Much of it, however, I suppose will be accounted for by the fact tliat 
so many more persons fit for soldiers are in tlie city than are in the 
country, who have too recently arrived from other parts of the United 
States and from Europe to be either included in the census of 1860, or 
to have voted in 1862. Still, making due allowance for this, I am yet 
unwilling to stand upon it as an entirely sufficient explanation of the 
great disparity. I shall direct the draft to proceed in all the districts, 
drawing, however, at first from each of the four districts — to wit, the 
Second, Fourth, Sixth, and Eighth— only 2,200, being the average 
quota of the other class. After this drawing, these four Districts, and 
also the Seventeenth and Twenty-ninth, shall be carefully re-enrolled — 
and, if you please, agents of yours may witness every step of the pro- 
cess. Any deficiency which may appear by the new enrollment will 
be supplied by a special draft for that object, allowing due credit for 
volunteers wlio may be obtained from tliese districts respectively 
during the interval ; and at all points, so far as consistent with practi- 
cal convenience, due credits shall be given for volunteers, and your 
Excellency shall be notified of the time fixed for commencing a draft 
in each district. 

I do not object to abide a decision of the United States Supreme 
Court, or of the Judges thereof, on the constitutionality of the draft 
law. In fiict, I should be willing to facilitate the obtaining of it. But 
I can not consent to lose the time while it is being obtained. We are 
contending with an enemy who, as I understand, drives every able- 
bodied man he can reach into his ranks, very much as a butcher drives 
bullocks into a slaughter-pen. No time is wasted, no argument is 
used. This produces an army which will soon turn upon our now vic- 
torious soldiers already in the field, if they shall not be sustained by 
recruits as they should be. It produces an army witli a rapidity not 
to be matched on our side, if we first waste time to re-experiment 
with the volunteer system, already deemed by Congress, and palpably, 
in fact, so far exiiausted as to be inadequate ; and then more time to 
obtain a Court decision as to whether a law is constitutional which 
requires a part of those not now in the service to go to the aid of those 
who are already in it; and still more time to determine with absolute 
certainty that we get those who are to go in the precisely legal pro- 
portion to those who are not to go. My purpose is to be in my action 
just and constitutional, and yet practical, in performing the important 
duty with which I am charged, of maintaining the unity and the free 
principles of our common country. Your obedient servant, 

A. LlN"COL]Sr. 



THE LETTERS OF PKESIDENT LINCOLN. 19 

yi._THE LETTER TO THE SPRINGFIELD (ILL.) 
AND SYRACUSE CONVENTIONS. 

[The Eepublican State Committee of Illinois having called a State Convention to 
meet at Springfield, on the 8d of September, addressed a letter to the President inviting 
him to be present. As circumstances would not permit him to accept the invitaiion, he 
availed himself of the opportunity thus offered to defend his emancipation policy ; and as 
the New York State Union Convention was held at the same time, a copy of the letter 
was sent to them also :] 

Executive Mansion, "Washington, Aug. 26, 1863. 

Hon. James 0. Conkli\"g: 

M}j dear Sir — Your letter inviting me to attend a mass meeting of 
unconditional Union men, to be held at the- capital of Illinois on the 
3d day of September, has been received. It would be very agreeable 
for me thus to meet my old friends at my own home ; but I can not 
just now be absent from here so long as a visit there would require. 

The meeting is to be of all those who maintain unconditional devo- 
tion to thQ Union ; and I am sure that my old political friends will 
thank me for tendering, as I do, the nation's gratitude to those other 
noble men whom no partisan malice or partisan hope can make false^ 
to the nation's life. 

There are those who are dissatisfied with me. To such I would say : 
You desire peace, and you blame me that we do not have it. But 
how can we attain it? There are but three conceivable ways : First — • 
to suppress the Rebellion by force of arras. This I am trying to do. 
Are you for it ? If you are, so far we are agreed. If you are not for 
ir, a second way is to give up the Union. I am against this. Are you 
for it? If you are, you should say so plainly. If you are not for force^ 
nor yet for dissolution, there only remains some imaginable compromise. 

I do not believe that any compromise embracing the maintenance 
of the Union is now possible. All that I learn leads to a directly 
opposite belief. The strength of the Rebellion is its military, its army. 
That army dominates all the country, and all the people within its 
range. Any ofler of terms made by any man or men within that 
range, in opposition to that army, is simply nothing for the present; 
because such man or men have no power whatever to enforce their 
side of a compromise, if one were made with them. 

To illustrate : Suppose refugees from the South and peace men of 
the North get together in convention, and frame and proclaim a com- 
promise embracing a restoration of the Union. In what way can that 
compromise be used to keep Lee's army out of Pennsylvania ? Meade's 
army can keep Lee's army out of Pennsylvania, and, I think, can ulti- 
mately drive it out of existence. But no paper ct)mpromise to which 
the controllers of Lee's army are not agreed can at all atfect that army. 
In au effort at such compromise we would waste time, which the 
enemy would improve to our disadvantage ; and that would be all. 



20 THE LETTERS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN. 

A compromise, to be effective, must be made either with those who 
control the rebel army, or with the people, first liberated from the domi- 
nation of that army by the success of our own army. Now, allow me 
to assure you that no word or intimation from that rebel army, or from 
any of the men controlling it, in relation to any peace compromise, has 
ever come to my knowledge or belief. All charges and insinuations to 
the contrary are deceptive and groundless. And I promise you that 
if any such proposition shall hereafter come, it shall not be rejected 
and kept a secret from you. I freely acknowledge myself to be the 
servant of the people, according to the bond of service, the United 
States Constitution ; and that, as such, I am responsible to them. 

But, to be plain. You are dissatisfied with me about the negro. 
Quite likely there is a ditference of opinion between you and myself 
upon that subject. I certainly v/ish that all men could be free, while 
you, I suppose, do not. Yet, I have neither adopted nor proposed any 
measure which is not consistent with even your view, provided that 
you are for the Union. I suggested compensated emancipation ; to 
which you replied you wished not to be taxed to buy negroes. But I 
had not asked you to be taxed to buy negroes, except in such way as 
to save you from greater taxation to save the Union exclusively by 
other means. 

You dislike the Emancipation Proclamation, and perhaps would 
have it retracted. You say it is unconstitutional. I think ditferently. 
I think the Constitution invests its Commander-in Chief with the law 
of war in time of war. The most that can be said, if so much, is, 
that slaves are property. Is there, has there ever been, any question 
that by the law of war, property, both of enemies and friends, may be 
taken when needed? And is it not needed whenever it helps us and 
hurts the enemy? Armies, the world over, destroy enemies' property 
when they can not use it ; and even destroy their own to keep it from 
the enemy. Civilized belligerents do all in their power to hel{) them- 
selves or hurt the enemy, except a few things regarded as barbarous 
or cruel. Among the exceptions are the massacre of vanquished foes 
and non-combatants, male and female. 

But the Proclamation, as law, either is valid or is not valid. If it is 
not valid it needs no retraction. If it is valid it can not be retracted, 
any more than the dead can be brought to life. Some of you profess 
to think its retraction would operate favorably for the Union. Why 
better after the retraction than hefore the issue? There was more 
than a year and a half of trial to suppress the Rebellion before the 
Proclamation was issued, the last one hundred days of which passed 
under an explicit notice that it was coming, unless averted by those in 
revolt returning to their allegiance. Tlie war has certainly progressed 
as favorably for us since-the issue of the Proclamation as before. 

I know as fully as one can know the opinions of others that some 



THE LETTERS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN. 21 

of tlie commanders of our armies in the field who have given us our 
most important victories believe the emancipation policy and the use 
of colored troops constitute the heaviest blows yet dealt to the Rebel- 
lion, and that at least one of those important successes could not have 
been achieved when it was but for the aid of black soldiers. 

Among the commanders who hold these views are some who have 
never had any affinity with what is called, " Abolitionism," or with 
" Republican party politics " but who hold them purely as military 
opinions. I submit their opinions as entitled to some weight against 
the objections often urged that emancipation and arming the blacks 
are unwise as military measures, and were not adopted as such in 
good faith. 

You say that you will not fight to free negroes. Some of them 
seem willing to fight for you ; but no matter. Fight you then, exclu- 
sively, to save the Union. I issued the Proclamation on purpose to 
aid you in saving the Union. Whenever you shall have conquered all 
resistance to the Union, if I shall urge you to continue fighting, it will 
be an apt time then for you to declare you will not fight to free ne- 
groes. I thought that in your struggle for the Union to whatever ex- 
tent the negroes should cease helping the enemy, to that extent it 
weakened the enemy in his resistance to you. Do you think differ- 
ently ? I thought that whatever negroes can be got to do as soldiers 
leaves just so much less for white soldiers to do in saving the Union. 
Does it appear otherwise to you ? But negroes, like other people, ^ct 
upon motives. Why should they do anything for us if we will do noth- 
ing for them ? If they stake their lives for us they must be prompted 
by the strongest motive, even the promise of freedom. And the 
promise being made, must be kept. 

The signs look better. The Father of Waters again goes unvexed 
to the sea. Thanks to the great Northwest for it; nor yet wholly to 
them. Three hundred miles up they met New England, Empire, 
Keystone, and Jersey hewing their way right and left. The sunny 
South, too, in more colors than one, also lent a helping hand. On the 
spot, their part of the history Avas jotted down in black and white. 
The job was a great national one, and let none be slighted who bore 
an honorable part in it. And while those who have cleared the great 
river may well be proud, even that is not all. It is hard to say that 
anything has been more bravely and well done than at Antietam, 
Murfreesboro, Gettysburg, and on many fields of less note. Nor must 
Uncle Sam's web feet be forgotten. At all the watery margins they 
have been present, not only on the deep sea, the broad bay, and the 
rapid river, but also up the narrow, muddy bayou, and wherever the 
ground was a httle damp they have been and made their tracks. Thanks 
to all. For the great Republic— for the principle it lives by and keeps 
nlive — for man's vast future — thanks to all. 



22 THE LETTEliS OF PKESIDKNT LINCOLN. 

Peace does not appear so distant as it did. I hope it will come 
soon and come to stay ; and so come as to be worth the keeping in all 
future time. It will then have been proved tliat among freemen there 
can be no successful appeal from the ballot to the bullet, and that they 
who take such appeal are sure to lose their case and pay the cost. 
And then there will be some black men who can remember that with 
silent tongue, and clenched teeth, and steady eye, and well-poised 
bayonet, they have helped mankind on to this great consummation, 
while I fear there will be some white ones unable to forget that with 
malignant heart and deceitful speech they have striven to hinder it. 

Still, let us not be over-sanguine of a speedy, final triumph. Let us 
be quite sober. Let us diligently apply the means, never doubting 
that a just God, in His own good time, will give us the rightful result. 
Yours, very truly, A. LINCOLN. 



From the New York Christian Advocate and Journal. 

HOW MAPS ARE MADE. 

Maps have always been considered necessary aids to military and histor- 
ical narrations. The Greeks, the Romans, the Chinese, the Japanese were 
map-makers two thousand years ago. The history of map manufacture 
from its rude beginnings down to tlie present day is both entertaining and 
instructive. Historians must regard the last and the present decades as 
an epocli in the diffusion of maps, charts, and pictorial illustrations. In 
the United States the great number of reading and thinking men, and 
the intense interest each feels in the progress of the war, has made the 
demand for maps far greater than was ever known in any other country. 
The importance of no battle or campaign can be comprehended without 
an imderstanding of its relations to towns, rivers, railroads, mountains 
and valleys, forests and blufls, and to the positions held by the contending 
forces. Such knowledge can only be gained from maps, which are coming 
to be regarded as necessary as newspapers. We presume a sketch of the 
methods by which maps are produced will not be uninteresting to our 
readers. First, a drawing must be made showing the topography of the 
country to be mapped out, giving the relative position of each town, 
river, etc. This is a matter of extreme difficulty, and so difficult that we 
think no perfectly accurate map has ever been drawn to cover a large ter- 
ritory. The drawing must next be engraved on some material from which 
impressions can be taken on paper. Until quite recently plates of steel, 
copper, or stone have been used for this purpose, the lines and letters 
being sunk in the plates. The cavities so made being filled with ink, the- 
printing is effected by a copperplate press. The best maps have been 
made by this slow and expensive process, but it can not supply them at 
low prices or in large quai^itities. Lithography has also furnished finely 
executed maps at prices somewhat cheaper than those engraved on steel 
or copper. By this mode the map is drawn on the lithographic stone with 
a peculiar ink, which hardens and presents the letters and figures slightly 
raised, and from which clear impressions can be obtained in a lithograpliic 
press. Lithography has not, however, been able to supply the immensely 
increased demand for maps ; and the great desideratum has been to find a 
way to print finely engraved work on a common power press. Maps were 
engraved on wood as early as 1482. The wood being cut away, leaving 
the lines and names raised, a means is afforded for power-press printing, 
either from the wood or from electrotypes. Since the war began, many 
newspapers have furnished their readers with small section maps of this 
kind. Some large and very distinct maps have also been produced from 
wood engraving, and sold in great numbers throughout the country. But 
the brittle character of wood will not permit the fine engraving required 
in a small scale map, and the ingenuity of men has long been tried to pro- 
duce relief-plate engraving from a firm and fine material. The attempts 
have at length been successful, and large and excellent relief-plate maps 
are now obtained from steam-presses. AVe have recently seen proof-sheets 
of a fine large county map of the United States just engraved for Messrs. 
H. H. Llo3^d & Co., of 81 John Street, New York, produced from metallic 
relief-pltttes. This method of map production is now extensively em- 
ployed in this country and in Europe, and enables good maps to be sold 
at low prices. The paper on which maps are printed contains a large 
quantity of size, that fills the pores and prevents the colors from spread- 
ing. The coloring of maps forms an important and separate item in their 
manufacture. This work is not done on the printing press, as is often 
supposed, but chiefly by stencil plates, with a brush in hand. This part 
of the work is performed in this country almost exclusively by Germans. 
To show the advancement of geographical knowledge as illustrated by 
maps, it may be stated that until the beginning of the eighteenth century 
all maps of Europe represented the Mediterranean Sea 1,400 miles longer 
than it is, and contained many other errors nearly as glaring. 

H. H. LLOYD & CO., Publishers, 81 John Street, N. Y. 

B. B. KUSSELL, -''ir) Washington Street, Boston, 

V\'!ii.Ie;>ale Agent for New England. 



CHEAT COUNTY MAP OF THE UNITED STATES, 

First Published August 1st, 1863, is the 
LARGEST, LATEST. PLAINEST, AND CHEAPEST MAP OF OUR WHOLE COUNtRY 

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It is superior to all other Maps, because it has just been engraved, and ' 
contains all the Towns, Kivers, Mountains, etc., made noted by the war, 
and not down on any other Map ; because its Topography is accurate ; i 
because, while it has an immense number of names, it does not confuse 
the eye with a great mass of unimportant matter ; because it exhibits our 
whole coimtry, including all the Pacific States and Territories. 

AGEiMS MUST SEE FOR TIIEMSELVKS. 
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In its preparation, especial attention is given to the position of Troo] s, 
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Battle-fields and strategic places are marked by blood-red lines and dots, 
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This most showy and attractive Chart contains, besides the brilliant 
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From the New York Independent. 
Since the breaking out of the rebellion the demand for maps and charts has been 
enormous. Amon* the most enterprising houses in this branch of trade is that of II. H. 
Lloyd & Co. Their map of the Border and Southern States, and several charts, are 
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From the Nero York Observer. 
This is the age of maps. H. II. Lloyd & Co. have issued a series of beautiful maps. 
Their map of the Southern and Border States is clear, accurate, and comprehensive. 

The following are a few of the many notices of our great and cheap 
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An excellent map, and sold at the surprisingly low price of $1 25, mounted and 
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Every man who desires to have a definite knowledge of the local points where the 
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price. For Prices, see second page. 

_^^* The most liberal inducements to Map Agents. Send for our Terms. 
H. H. LLOYD & CO., 81 John Street, New York. 
B. B. RUSSELL, 515 Washington Street, Boston, 

Wholesale Agent for New England. 
R. R. LANDON, 88 Lake Street, Chicago, Agent for the West. 



